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International  Conciliation 

INTERAMERICAN  DIVISION  BULLETIN   NO.   25 


THE  LIBERATOR  SIMON  BOLIVAR 
IN  NEW  YORK 


Addresses  delivered  on  the  occasion  of  the  unveiling 

of  the  statue  of  the  Liberator  Simon  Bolivar 

presented  to  the  city  of  Nev^  York  by 

the  government  of  Venezuela 

Tuesday,  April  19,  1921 


AMERICAN  ASSOCIATION  FOR  INTERNATIONAL  CONCILIATION 
■"-"'  INTERAMERICAN  DIVISION 

407  WEST  II7TH  STREET,  NEW  YORK 
JUNE, 192I 


A51 


AMERICAN  ASSOCIATION 
FOR  INTERNATIONAL  CONCILIATION 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 

Nicholas  Murray  Butler 
Chairman 
George  Blumenthal  Thomas  W.  Lamont 

Gano  Dunn  Stephen  Henry  Olin 

Robert  A.  Franks  James  L.  Slayden 

Joseph  P.  Grace  James  Speyer 

Henry  S.  Haskell 
Secretary 

INTERAMERICAN  DIVISION 

Peter  H.  Goldsj^oth 
Director 


407  WEST  117TH  street 

NEW  YORK 


Address  < 

minii 

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Mr. 

G0VER> 
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as  if  another  wing  had  been  bom  to  his  dream  of  American 
confraternity,  and  as  if  the  whole  sky  of  America  had  been 
gathered  together  over  this  bronze,  like  a  mantle  of  glory, 

[3] 


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AMERICAN  ASSOCIATION 
FOR  INTERNATIONAL  CONCILIATION 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 

Nicholas  Murray  Butler 
Chairman 
George  Blumenthal  Thomas  W.  Lamont 

Gang  Dunn  Stephen  Henry  Olin 

Robert  A.  Franks  James  L.  Slayden 

Joseph  P.  Grace  James  Speyer 

Henry  S.  Haskell 
Secretary 

INTERAMERICAN  DIVISION 

Peter  H.  GoLDs^nTH 
Director 


407  WEST  II7TH  STREET 
new  YORK 


Address  delivered  by  his  Excellency  Doctor  Esteban  GilBorgtJ 

minister  of  foreign  relations  of  the  United  States  of 

Venezuela,  at  the  unveiling  of  the  statue  of  the 

Liberator  Simdn  Bolivar,  presented  to  the  city 

of  New   York   by  the   government   of 

Venezuela,  Tuesday,  April  ig,  1Q21 

Mr.  President,  Mr.  Secretary  of  State,  Mr. 
Governor,  Mr.  Mayor,  Your  Excellencies  of  the 
Diplomatic  Corps,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

The  estimate  of  history,  which,  in  respect  of  the  mem- 
ory of  Bolivar,  began  the  day  he  fell  asleep,  in  the  early 
eventide  of  his  Hfe  and  in  the  passing  eclipse  of  his  work, 
on  that  sad  afternoon  at  Santa  Marta,  has  reached  the 
hour  of  supreme  justice.  This  bronze  is  the  witness,  and 
this  is  the  place  that  he  would  have  selected,  for  this  sum- 
mons before  posterity.  The  people  that  has  achieved 
the  greatest  things  of  the  present  recognizes  the  definitive 
place  in  glory  of  the  man  that  accomphshed  the  greatest 
things  of  the  past;  and  his  statue,  and  that  other  statue 
which,  at,  the  entrance  to  the  harbor  of  New  York,  waves 
its  torch  as  an  eternal  aurora  over  this  land  of  freemen,  are, 
as  it  were,  twin  symbols  of  the  American  world's  ideal. 

On  this  hill,  and  veiled  in  flags,  again  appears  the 
prophet  of  the  Chimborazo  coursing  toward  the  future. 
With  the  flag  of  the  Union  beside  the  tricolored  iris,  it  is 
as  if  another  wing  had  been  bom  to  his  dream  of  American 
confraternity,  and  as  if  the  whole  sky  of  America  had  been 
gathered  together  over  this  bronze,  like  a  mantle  of  glory, 

[3] 


in  which  the  stars  of  the  north  draw  near,  as  he  drew 
them  near  in  his  spirit,  to  the  stars  of  the  south. 

At  the  foot  of  this  monument,  silence  would  be  the  only 
language  of  eloquence:  it  would  let  this  bronze  sing  like  a 
sonorous  bell  of  glory,  whose  vibrations  have  filled  the 
past  of  America,  and  which,  from  this  eminence,  will  re- 
sound from  country  to  country,  throughout  the  whole  con- 
tinent, as  one  of  the  loftiest  notes  of  the  aspirations  for 
liberty  and  justice  that  have  been  raised  to  God  from  the 
hearts  of  men,  and,  from  age  to  age,  as  a  triumphant  hymn 
of  the  republic  in  the  world  of  America. 

These  glories  of  our  American  past  are  sacred  flames  in 
which  petty  interests  and  petty  differences  are  consumed 
and  disappear,  in  order  that  naught  shall  shine  out  save 
the  more  and  more  lofty  and  serene  clarity  that  is  to  illum- 
inate the  future  of  this  new  world. 

On  this  elevation,  these  symbols  do  not  represent  our 
past  alone:  they  are  oracles  of  the  future;  they  behold  with 
their  eyes  habituated  to  the  infinite;  they  speak  with 
their  language  of  eternal  words;  with  their  hand  creative 
of  agelong  works  they  indicate  the  path  of  the  x\merican 
world's  destiny,  which  they  contemplated  as  in  a  remote 
future,  which  we  now  see  rise  like  an  aurora  above  our 
heads,  and  which  to-morrow  will  shine  like  a  sun  upon  the 
highway  of  the  generations  that  are  to  come. 

The  thought  of  men  of  genius,  who  see  more  profoundly 
into  the  souls  of  peoples  than  others,  who  discern  farther 
along  its  future  course  than  others,  is  their  synthesis,  often 
premature,  of  the  highest  aspirations  of  the  spirit  of  their 
race  and  of  the  profoundest  tendencies  of  its  life.  When 
these  aspirations  are  a  chrysalis  in  the  spirit  of  a  people, 
in  the  spirit  of  the  man  of  genius,  they  send  out  wings 
and  soar  in  vast  flights  toward  the  loftiest  summits  of 
the   future.     While   these    tendencies   are  still  a   force 

[4] 


that  finds  in  the  popular  Hfe  only  the  uncertain  and 
ephemeral  expression  of  a  dream,  in  the  mind  of  the  man 
of  genius  they  acquire  the  energy  and  relief  of  a  present 
and  living  reahty. 

Bolivar  was  the  synthesis  of  those  aspirations  and  those 
forces — latent  but  still  invisible,  at  the  dawn  of  the  past 
century,  except  to  the  profound  gaze  of  genius — which 
have  been  developed  gradually  and  which  to-day  domin- 
ate the  life  of  the  American  peoples.  Bolivar's  mihtary 
and  political  thought  was,  from  the  first  day  of  his  hfe  un- 
til the  last,  the  realization  of  an  ideal  of  liberty  and  dem- 
ocracy as  a  form  of  government,  and  the  realization  of  the 
ideal  of  the  unification  of  the  world  of  the  Americas.  From 
Carabobo  to  Ayacucho,  his  military  plans  seconded  and 
completed  his  thought  as  a  statesman.  Each  battle 
was  a  cradle  filled  with  the  laurel  of  a  democracy.  At 
Carabobo  was  born  the  republic  of  Venezuela;  at  Boyaca, 
the  republic  of  Nueva  Granada;  at  Pichincha,  the  republic 
of  Ecuador;  at  Junin,  the  republic  of  Bolivia;  at  Aya- 
cucho, the  republic  of  Peru.  Each  victory  was  a  new  and 
a  free  country  in  America. 

However,  as  each  of  these  victories  was  but  a  step  on 
the  stairway  to  glory — and  at  Pichincha  he  ascended  to 
gather  the  loftier  laurels  of  Junin,  and  at  Junin,  to  receive 
the  crown  of  Ayacucho — each  of  these  countries  was  but  an 
element  of  the  creation  that  his  thought  had  conceived,  of 
a  greater  country,  which  should  bring  together  in  the  same 
home  and  unify  the  spirit  and  the  forces  of  each  of  the 
several  patrias  in  a  great  continental  patria.  For  the  great 
soul  of  America,  he  conceived  of  but  one  home,  which 
should  possess  the  proportions  of  a  world.  That  thought 
of  continental  solidarity  was  the  highest  star  that  guided 
his  life.  From  1815,  in  the  celebrated  letter  from  Jamaica, 
that  idea  grew  and  became  clarified  in  his  spirit,  and  it 

[5] 


assumed  form  as  a  finality  of  his  military  and  political 
policy.  At  Ayacucho,  his  shout  of  victory  was  the  annun- 
ciatory  song  of  the  great  American  patria.  Ayacucho  was 
the  reality  that  rose  to  the  height  of  the  dream  that  his 
fancy  had  conceived  on  the  summit  of  Chimborazo.  The 
thought  of  the  statesman  was  to  complete  the  curve  that 
had  been  traced  by  his  warrior's  sword,  and  the  invitation 
to  the  congress  of  Panama  was  to  serve  as  the  climax  of  his 
dream  of  American  confederation.  He  was  to  cherish, 
throughout  all  disillusionments,  that  dream  of  his  soul, 
and  when  there  remained  to  him,  of  all  the  countries  he  had 
created,  only  the  Quinta  de  San  Pedro,  over  the  ruins  of 
those  nationaHties  that  were  crumbling  to  pieces  and  over 
the  flight  of  his  ideals  was  to  continue  shining  the  Hght  of 
that  thought,  Uke  a  star  above  a  Calvary,  announcing  the 
future  resurrection. 

And  that  resurrection  of  ideals  has  been  consummated. 
The  ideal  of  democracy  has  been  definitively  realized  in  the 
republics  of  the  New  World.  The  ideal  of  continental 
unity,  from  the  congress  of  Panama  to  the  conference  of 
Buenos  Aires,  has  changed  in  form,  but  it  has  preserved 
the  essence  of  the  thought  of  soHdarity.  This  homage, 
gentlemen,  is  a  manifestation — the  most  spontaneous  and 
expressive — of  the  fact  that  unity  of  sentiment  and  spiritual 
unity  have  been  achieved  in  the  American  soul;  and  our 
hands — joined  to-day  to  make  our  offering,  and  our  hearts, 
fused  to-day  in  an  act  of  fervor,  our  wills,  uplifted  by  emo- 
tion toward  the  heights  of  those  heroic  lives,  our  thoughts, 
turned,  from  this  pedestal,  in  a  universal  impulse  of  longing 
and  hope,  to  the  contemplation  of  the  future — will  remain 
united  in  an  indissoluble  alliance;  and,  above  geographical 
accidents  and  historical  vicissitudes,  they  will  continue 
to  mold  American  character  until  they  give  to  it  the  im- 
pregnable moral  unity,  the  coordination  of  effort  and  the 

[6] 


solidarity  of  interests  that  will  bring  forth  with  clarity 
and  strength  the  new  civilization  that  is  to  issue  from  this 
continent  and  fill  the  future  of  the  world. 

Washington  and  Bolivar  were  the  highest  vertexes  in 
the  history  of  the  American  peoples.  They  constituted  a 
synthesis  of  the  common  aspirations  for  liberty  that  arose 
with  the  dawn  of  the  past  century  and  that  have  flourished 
in  the  dawn  of  this  century  in  the  democracies  which,  from 
one  extreme  of  the  continent  to  the  other,  are  to-day 
attaining  to  the  fullness  of  their  material  and  poHtical 
development,  and  they  extend  their  hands  to  each  other 
with  a  sincerely  fraternal  impulse  and  give  to  the  world  an 
example  of  civilization  built  on  peace,  right  and  justice. 

Welcome  here  then,  amid  this  people  that  has  accom- 
plished in  one  century  a  work  of  progress  that  constitutes 
the  most  formidable  synthesis  of  energy,  is  the  man  whose 
life  was  the  highest  and  most  luminous  synthesis  of  the 
powers  of  the  intelligence  and  of  the  spirit.  His  char- 
acter possessed  that  eminent  quality  of  constancy  and  un- 
swer\-ing  faith  that  has  carried  you  to  the  loftiest  summits 
of  history.  In  vain  did  adversity  conspire  against  his  fort- 
une. Misfortune  only  kindled  his  genius,  which  never 
soared  more  radiantly  than  when  above  the  tragic  vicissi- 
tudes of  his  destiny.  His  glory  shone  Vv'ith  still  greater 
splendor  in  the  dark  hours  of  defeat  than  in  the  full  light 
of  his  days  of  \'ictory.  Greater  than  at  Carabobo  was  he 
in  1812,  when,  on  the  ruins  of  cities  brought  low  by  the 
earthquake  and  on  the  ruins  of  his  early  hopes  of  inde- 
pendence, he  ascended  to  the  platform  and  said: 

If  Nature  opposes  our  designs,  we  shall  fight  against  Nature  and 
we  shall  conquer  her. 

Greater  than   at  Boyaca,  where  he  laid  the  foundation 
of  Colombia's  liberty,  was  he  at  Casacoima,  where,  de- 

[7] 


feated  and  almost  a  prisoner,  he  dreamed  of  the  plan  by 
which,  point  by  point,  the  liberty  of  the  continent  was 
achieved.  Greater  than  at  Junin,  where  he  estabHshed 
the  independence  of  Bohvia,  greater  than  at  Pichincha, 
where  he  founded  the  independence  of  Ecuador,  greater 
than  at  Ayacucho,  where  he  wrought  the  independence  of 
Peru,  was  he  at  Pativilca,  where,  in  the  eclipse  of  his  for- 
tunes, his  discouraged  generals  asked  him  what  was  his 
thought,  and  he  repHed:  ''To  win!"  Great  in  prosperity, 
greater  still  in  adversity,  he  had  but  one  weakness:  glory! 

At  home  among  you  is  the  man  who,  at  the  height  of 
his  triumphant  career,  when  a  victorious  armada  and  five 
peoples  redeemed  by  his  sword  offered  him  a  crown,  to  the 
laurel  of  Caesar  preferred  the  title  of  citizen,  among  his 
contemporaries,  and  the  title  of  Liberator,  with  posterity. 

At  home  among  you  is  this  man,  who,  after  having 
won  or  lost  more  than  four  hundred  battles  and  after  hav- 
ing traveled  on  his  war-horse  from  the  hills  of  Avila  to 
the  heights  of  Ayacucho — a  greater  distance  than  that 
which  has  been  traveled  by  any  conqueror — established 
upon  democratic  principles  the  basis  of  the  civil  life  of  five 
nations  and  proclaimed  arbitration  at  Panama  as  the  for- 
mula for  internal  peace  and  justice  among  the  peoples 
of  the  American  continent. 

Among  his  own,  amid  this  people  that  has  opened  its 
lands  as  a  home  to  all  men;  that  has  opened  its  heart  to 
all  the  sentiments  of  justice;  that  has  opened  its  intelhgence 
to  all  ideas,  and  that  has  transformed  them  into  engines  of 
progress  and  happiness  for  mankind;  happy,  amid  this 
people  that  has  touched  by  its  heroic  effort  of  thought  and 
action  all  the  human  grandeurs,  is  the  man  that  cherished 
for  twenty  years — throughout  the  greatest  bitternesses 
of  misfortune  and  the  greatest  apotheoses  of  victory — the 
dream  that  has  flowered  forth  in  five  repubhcs.    The  city 

[8] 


of  the  future  is  the  pedestal  for  that  greatness,  and  in  my 
country  and  in  all  America,  this  day  will  be  looked  upon 
as  the  last  stage  of  the  hero  in  his  march  to  glory. 

When  I  have  seen  the  greatest  people  of  the  earth  bare 
the  head,  full  of  rejoicing  before  the  statue  of  Bolivar  and 
acclaim  with  a  grandiose  clamor,  Hke  the  thunder  of  Niag- 
ara, the  Liberator  of  South  America;  when  the  word  of 
your  president  is  about  to  be  uttered  as  the  definitive 
voice  of  historical  justice;  when  I  reflect  that  my  people  is 
lifting  to-day  on  the  lofty  pedestal  of  national  admiration 
the  memory  of  Washington,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  alH- 
ance  of  fraternal  hands  which,  at  the  extremities  of  the 
Columbian  world,  erects  these  two  symbols  of  the  freedom 
of  the  continent,  already  heralds  the  unanimity  of  senti- 
ment of  all  the  peoples  to  achieve  that  future  for  America. 

The  hands  of  a  woman  shaped  this  statue  that  my 
country  offers  to  the  United  States  as  a  token  of  perpetual 
friendship;  the  hands  of  a  woman  gave  the  eternal  rehef 
of  bronze  to  the  life  that  was  a  prodigious  dream  of  hero- 
ism, of  beauty  and  of  love.  By  granting  to  one  of  your 
daughters  the  privilege  of  the  maternity  of  glory,  my 
country  sought  to  double  the  significance  of  this  homage 
and  to  fuse  in  a  noble  symbol  the  greatness  of  an  heroic 
thought  and  the  spiritual  grace  of  American  womanhood, 
whose  tenderness  and  energy  have  contributed  to  the 
erection  of  this  home  of  civilization  that  is  your  country. 

Were  it  given  me  to  translate,  from  the  brow  of  this  hill, 
what  this  immortal  bronze  says  to  the  American  people,  I 
should  thus  give  voice  to  it: 

"Hail!  O  you,  my  brothers  of  the  north,"  cries  the 
Liberator.  "From  this  exalted  height,  more  glorious  for 
me  than  the  diamantine  summit  of  Chimborazo,  my  soul 
breathes  the  freedom  of  a  world.  I  know  how  deeply  man 
is  indebted  to  your  immense  country.     You  have  given 

[9] 


the  loftiest  example  of  history  by  establishing  the  perfect 
republic.  You  have  offered  asylum  at  your  firesides  to  the 
pilgrims  of  right,  from  Kosciuszko  to  Marti.  You  have 
placed  at  the  service  of  every  just  cause  in  two  hemispheres 
the  strength  of  your  arm  and  the  vigor  of  your  spirit.  You 
have  untied  at  Panama  the  knot  of  stone,  which  my  sword 
would  have  cut  one  day,  to  open  an  interoceanic  high- 
way, on  the  edge  of  which  I  dreamed  of  founding  the  capital 
of  the  world  and  of  affording  an  honorable  seat  for  the 
society  of  nations.  You  have  raised  higher  than  any 
other  people  in  history  the  banner  of  freedom.  Being 
strong,  you  have  loved  peace;  and  being  great,  you  have 
loved  justice.  Americans  of  the  north,  Americans  of  the 
south!  the  hour  has  come  for  union,  which  was  the  thought 
that  inspired  my  work,  the  hope  that  consoled  me  in  the 
hour  of  death  and  the  dream  that  my  eyes,  open  from  im- 
mortahty,  have  followed  for  a  century,  and  the  realiza- 
tion of  which  will  be  the  crown  of  the  work  of  the  libera- 
tors and  of  the  greatness  of  America." 

In  dedicating  this  monument,  my  country  leaves,  along 
with  the  symbol  of  her  historical  past,  the  symbol  of  her 
national  friendship,  firm  as  this  base  of  granite,  enduring 
as  this  bronze,  pure  and  noble  as  this  glory,  which  hence- 
forward will  be  raised  beneath  the  stars,  that  in  your 
sky  and  in  your  flag,  are  lights  that  guide  the  world  toward 
a  greater,  a  freer  and  a  happier  future. 


■o] 


Statue  of 

THE  LIBERATOR  SIMON  BOLIVAR 

Sally  James.  Farvhant,  Sc. 


Address  delivered  by  the  Honorable  John  Hylan,  mayor 

of  the  city  of  New  York,  at  the  unveiling  of  the 

statue    of    the    Liberator    Simon    Bolivar 

presented  to  the  city  of  New  York 

by  the  government  of  Venezuela 

Tuesday,   April   ig,   ig2i 

Mr.  President,  Mr.  Minister,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

The  people  of  the  city  of  New  York  are  deeply  indebted 
to  their  brothers  of  the  repubhc  of  Venezuela  for  this 
beautiful  work  of  art,  commemorating  the  name  and  fame 
of  Latin  America's  great  Liberator  Simon  Bolivar. 

And  a  liberator  he  truly  was.  It  was  BoKvar  who  bid 
his  oppressed  countrymen  take  heart  and  who  fanned 
into  flame  the  spirit  of  revolt  that  had  been  engendered  by 
three  centuries  of  Spanish  despotism . 

As  we  gather  on  the  green  turf  of  this  most  beautiful 
of  parks  to  honor  the  memory  of  Simon  Bolivar,  we  are  re- 
minded of  the  similar  and  earlier  struggles  for  independence 
of  the  founders  of  our  own  repubhc. 

It  is  a  story  oft  told  how,  on  this  day,  one  hundred  and 
forty-six  years  ago,  on  the  village  green  at  Lexington,  a 
httle  band  of  American  patriots  flung  themselves  against  a 
foreign  army,  until  then  regarded  as  invincible,  and  in  the 
ensuing  conflict  the  first  blood  of  the  revolution  was  shed. 
Throughout  seven  long  years  the  struggle  for  independence 
continued,  until  the  thirteen  colonies  emerged  a  nation 
triumphant,  under  the  guidance  of  the  most  commanding 

[xi] 


figure  that  ever  trod  the  pages  of  history:  General  George 

Washington. 

It  was  the  lofty  patriotism  of  Washington  and  the  benef- 
icent fruits  of  the  American  revolution  that  fired  the 
youthful  enthusiasm  of  Bolivar.  Always  an  ardent  apos- 
tle of  hberty,  the  success  of  the  American  colonies  made 
him  the  more  firmly  resolve  to  espouse  the  cause  of  inde- 
pendence for  his  people.  To  this  unalterable  determina- 
tion Spanish  South  America  is  indebted  for  the  hberty 
and  independence  it  has  enjoyed  for  the  past  century. 

The  life  of  BoHvar  was  one  of  genuine  unselfishness  and 
patriotic  devotion  to  the  cause  of  independence.  The 
hallowed  memory  of  such  a  Hfe  belongs  not  alone  to  the 
land  of  its  nativity,  but  to  all  mankind. 

It  is  with  a  feehng  of  deep  pride  that  I  accept,  in  the 
name  of  the  city  of  New  York,  this  truly  beautiful  statue 
of  the  distinguished  Venezuelan.  It  will  ever  remain  a 
token  of  affection  to  be  cherished  as  it  deserves:  always  an 
object  of  reverence,  emulation  and  love. 


[12] 


Address  delivered  by  the  Honorable  Nathan  L.  Miller 

governor    of  the    state    of  New    York,    at   the 

unveiling   of  the   statue   of  the   Liberator 

Simon  Bolivar,  presented  to  the  city 

oj  New  York  by  the  government 

of     Venezuela,     Tuesday 

April    ig,    igzi 

Mr.  Chairman,  Mr.  President,  Mr.  Minister,  Mr. 
Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Mayor,  Ladies  and  Gentle- 
men: 

Three  great  world  figures  stand  out  from  the  periods  to 
which  our  minds  revert  to-day:  Washington,  Bolivar, 
Napoleon.  There  were  marked  similarities  and  equally 
marked  dissimilarities  in  their  lives.  All  were  brought  to 
the  front  by  revolutions.  All  were  soldiers  and  statesmen. 
All  impressed  themselves  upon  the  permanent  institutions 
of  their  country.  But  Napoleon  sacrificed  liberty  to 
personal  ambition,  whilst  Washington  and  Bolivar  offered 
their  all  upon  the  altar  of  hberty. 

There  were  marked  similarities  between  the  lives  and  the 
history  of  Washington  and  Bolivar,  and  the  dissimilarities, 
I  think,  are  largely  accounted  for  by  the  differences  in 
circumstance  and  condition,  and  by  the  differences  in  the 
history,  the  traditions  and  the  temperament  of  their  peo- 
ples. Both  were  possessed  of  large  patrimonial  estates  cal- 
culated to  make  them  satisfied  with  the  existing  order  of 
things.  Both,  after  varying  success,  won  hberty  for 
their  peoples.     Both,  by  universal  acclaim,  were  brought 

I13J 


to  the  chief  magistracy  of  the  governments  which  they  es- 
tabHshed.  Both,  when  they  thought  that  their  mis- 
sion had  been  performed,  desired  to  retire  to  private  Hfe. 
Washington  was  permitted  to  have  his  wish,  because  cir- 
cumstances were  more  favorable  to  the  furtherance  of  his 
wish;  but  unsettled  conditions  required  that  BoHvar 
should  forego  his  desire.  And  whilst  he  again  assumed 
the  chief  magistracy,  his  first  act  was  to  convoke  a  national 
assembly.  Whilst  he  took  the  title  of  dictator,  we  must 
consider  that  fact  in  the  light  of  the  traditions,  the  history 
and  the  temperament  of  his  people.  He  purified  the  ad- 
ministration of  justice.  He  promoted  industry.  He 
encouraged  the  arts  and  the  sciences,  and  he  strove  to  in- 
stitute constitutional  government,  which  still  survives. 
Three  nations  call  him  Liberator,  and  this  splendid  statue, 
presented  by  Venezuela  to  our  great  city,  must  ever  be  a 
reminder  to  our  people  of  the  common  heritage  which 
Washington  and  Bolivar  bequeathed  to  the  New  World, 
and  which  it  shall  be  our  constant  and  common  duty  to 
cherish  and  preserve. 


[14] 


Address  delivered  by  his  Excellency  Warren  G.  Harding 

president  of  the   United  States,  at  the  unveiling 

of  the  statue  of  the  Liberator  Simon  Bolivar 

presented    to    the    city    of    New    York 

by    the    government    of    Venezuela 

Tuesday,    April    ig,    ig2i 

Fellow  Citizens  of  America: 

There  is  significance  in  dates,  as  though  some  days  were 
destined  for  a  high  place  in  the  history  of  human  progress, 
also  an  abiding  place  in  human  affections.  This  day  is  the 
anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Lexington,  when  the  colonies 
of  North  America  made  their  first  sacrifice  in  blood  for  in- 
dependence and  new  standards  of  freedom.  On  this  same 
day,  a  generation  later,  Venezuela's  struggle  for  freedom 
had  its  immortal  beginning. 

To-day,  in  befitting  celebration  of  freedom's  triumphs, 
we  are  met  to  unveil  this  monument  to  Simon  Bolivar,  in 
whom  the  South  American  movement  for  liberty  found  its 
soul  and  inspiration,  and  to  whom  the  liberty-loving  heroes 
of  Venezuela  turned  for  triumphant  leadership,  just  as 
the  North  American  colonies  pinned  their  faith  in  Wash- 
ington. 

There  is  further  and  highly  interesting  coincidence  in 
dates  and  significance  in  achievement.  Bolivar  was  born 
in  1783,  the  year  in  which  our  North  American  revolution- 
ary war  was  ended  by  the  treaty  which  recognized  our 
national  independence;  and  the  independence  of  Vene- 
zuela was  formally  proclaimed  on  July  5,  181 1,  on  the  day 

[15] 


following  the  anniversary  of  a  like  proclamation  by  the 
North  American  colonies  thirty-five  years  earlier.  April 
and  July  have  valid  claim  to  our  liberty-loving  rever- 
ence. 

I  wish  April  19  might  have  an  added  significance  from 
this  day  on.  Similarly  born  and  dedicated  to  New  World 
freedom,  I  would  like  this  date  to  mark  anew  for  North  and 
South  America,  not  alone  the  avowal  of  mutual  trust  in 
the  fellowship  of  freedom  and  democracy,  but  a  new  con- 
fidence and  a  new  mutuality  of  purpose  in  achieving  the 
things  which  independence  and  fellowship  so  naturally 
inspire. 

Ha\ing  sacrificed  in  arms  to  establish  the  human  inheri- 
tance belonging  to  free  men,  the  American  repubHcs 
may  well  touch  elbows  to  prove  their  unselfishness  and 
show  to  mankind  that  righteous  achievement  does  not 
mean  anybody's  destruction,  individually  or  nationally, 
but  that  real  victory  Hes  in  that  human  progress  wherein 
every  contender — individual  or  national — may  share  as  it 
is  sought  to  merit  it. 

It  is  an  interesting  thing  to  compare  the  careers  of  the 
two  great  fathers  of  American  liberty — these  stalwart 
founders  of  representative  democracy  in  the  w^estern 
hemisphere — Bolivar  and  Washington.  Each  wrought 
an  empire  of  freedom  and  builded  more  vastly  than  he 
dreamed.  Each  was  brilliant  and  heroic  in  war,  but  vastly 
more  concerned  with  the  constructiveness  of  peace. 

Their  concept  of  liberty  was  not  inspired  in  individual 
unrest.  Each  was  wealthy,  each  rated  among  the  per- 
sonally fortunate,  but  a  people's  freedom  was  impelling. 
Each  was  accused  of  undue  ambition,  but  it  was  a  people's 
welfare  that  ever  inspired. 

Each  knew  the  essentials  of  freedom,  that  liberty  itself 
is  the  state  of  just  restraint,  and  the  fruits  of  revolution 

[16] 


in  the  cause  of  freedom  are  garnered  only  in  constitutional 
estabHshment,  and  preserved  only  when  government  is 
strong  enough  to  guarantee  them. 

Both  Bolivar  and  Washington  were  eminent  in  genius  on 
the  field  of  battle,  both  were  rich  in  wisdom  when  it  came 
to  the  more  difficult  problems  of  peace.  War  has  its  in- 
spirations when  patriotism  is  aflame.  Peace  has  its  prob- 
lems, where  construction  or  reconstruction  must  be 
wrought  in  conviction  and  consecration. 

Each  of  these  national  heroes,  when  his  mihtary  tasks 
were  finished,  preferred  retirement  and  the  repose  of  pri- 
vate hfe.  Each  was  promptly  called  to  civic  construction 
and  administration  through  which  alone  the  triumphs  for 
which  men  sacrifice  and  die  may  be  commemorated  with 
the  outstanding  monuments  of  permanent  institutions. 

It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  out  of  the  Uberations 
wrought  by  Washington  and  Bolivar  grew  the  republican 
constitutional  system  which  is  America's  gift  to  mankind. 
Our  constitutions  are  the  models  after  which  are  fash- 
ioned the  fundamental  laws  of  a  world  won  to  democracy. 
Whether  they  looked  to  the  north  or  south,  or  whether 
the  beacon  fire  was  Pan  America,  in  the  New  World  burned 
the  great  torch  to  fight  the  way  to  constitutional  freedom, 
and  hope  was  assured  by  outstanding  example. 

These  things  are  said  with  due  deference  to  the  older  civ- 
ilizations and  the  longer  estabfished  systems  from  which 
all  America  came  and  to  which  we  may  trace  back  the 
inspiration  which  gave  conception  to  the  institutions  of 
freedom  to  which  we  are  dedicated.  It  is  fine  to  be  able 
to  say  that  New  World  temples  of  liberty  were  not  wrought 
in  destruction  of  the  old.  We  speak  historically  of  revol- 
ution, when  in  reahty  we  mean  severance  and  freedom  for 
evolution.  The  world  is  not  calling  to-day  for  destruc- 
tion; it  needs  reconstruction,  where  the  test  of  justice  is 

[17] 


applied  to  the  things  which  were,  as  well  as  the  things 
which  are  to  be. 

The  western  continents  afforded  a  favoring  soil  for 
marvelous  developments.  God  had  bestowed  with  limit- 
less bounty;  Nature  was  prodigal  with  her  offerings.  The 
Americas  held  their  virgin  riches,  conserved  against  the 
day  when  science,  intellect  and  spiritual  ambition  should 
impel  men  to  seek  new  fields  for  endeavors,  new  sites  for 
new  construction,  new  opportunities  for  new  enterprises. 

Trade  was  calling,  learning  encouraged,  the  adventuring 
navigators  explored,  and  wherever  they  touched  they 
stood  only  at  some  gateway,  never  dreaming  of  the  reality. 
We  do  not  measure  the  possibilities  of  the  Americas  even 
now,  though  more  than  four  centuries  have  come  and  gone. 
But  the  great  coincidence  was  in  discovery  revealing  the 
opportunity  for  planting  new  states  and  trying  new  meth- 
ods at  the  very  time  when  the  human  mind  was  opening, 
or  reopening,  to  new  truths,  new  conceptions  and  new 
motives. 

Perhaps  the  miracle  was  in  the  divine  plan,  and  the 
New  World  marvel  was  an  inevitable  part  in  the  supreme 
scheme  for  developing  civilization.  But  we  w^ere,  when 
Washington  and  Bolivar  uttered  American  aspirations 
and  battled  for  them,  and  are  now,  so  interlocked  with 
the  Old  World  from  which  our  founders  came,  that  inde- 
pendence does  not  make  for  aloofness,  but  the  develop- 
ments of  civilization  have  brought  us  more  closely  to- 
gether. Where  ours  has  been  the  greater  fortune,  ours 
has  become  a  greater  responsibility,  and  the  endurance  of 
our  institutions  is  no  less  important  than  their  creation. 

Liberty  without  security  would  be  a  barren  boast, 
and  inspiration  without  stabilization  would  challenge 
every  claim  of  democracy.  Nothing  the  Americas  can 
do,  nothing  Pan  America  may  aspire  to  do,  will  surpass 

[i8] 


the  contribution  of  our  youth  and  resources  and  our  stead- 
fast allegiance  to  our  newer  institutions  to  help  steady  the 
world  and  prove  the  right  of  present  day  civilization  to  go 
on. 

Probably  we  see  to-day  the  engrossing  drama  of  mankind 
on  the  world  stage  as  intimately  as  General  PoHvar  saw 
the  struggles  of  South  America  only  a  Httle  more  than  a 
century  ago.  He  could  meet  the  problems  of  that  day 
and  look  well  to  the  future  with  such  vision  that  a  third  of 
South  America  acclaims  him  Liberator,  and  we  join  to-day 
to  do  reverence  to  his  memory.  Perhaps  our  greatest 
tribute  Hes  in  noting  the  world,  war  wearied,  but  more 
free  than  ever  before,  and  resolving  that  where  Hberty 
inspires,  peace  and  justice  are  the  supreme  fulfilment. 

The  struggles  for  independence  in  North  and  South 
America  had  differing  backgrounds.  The  colonies  north  of 
the  Rio  Grande  had  developed  under  Hberal  institutions. 
They  had  enjoyed  a  large  measure  of  autonomy  and  self- 
direction.  Their  grievances  against  European  domina- 
tion were  small  compared  to  the  grievances  of  the  South 
American  colonies.  The  North  American  colonies  re- 
volted against  the  exasperating  assumption  of  a  reaction- 
ary king;  South  America,  against  the  tyrannies  of  a  vicious, 
despotic,  perpetual  and  seK-perpetuating  system.  Where 
the  North  American  colonies  were  irked  by  minor  im- 
positions, those  of  the  southern  continent  lived  under  a 
grinding  oppression  that  sought  to  extract  every  particle 
of  wealth  that  could  be  taken  without  literally  destroying 
the  capacity  to  produce  more. 

The  South  American  revolution  was  a  desperate  attempt 
to  escape,  at  whatever  cost,  from  a  state  of  intolerable, 
uilivable  oppression.  Union  and  independent  greatness 
were  possible  following  the  northern  revolt.  Geographi- 
cal conditions  and  the  long-time  isolation  of  the  southern 

[19] 


colonies  from  one  another  made  it  well  nigh  impossible  to 
effect  union  among  them.  It  was  the  dream  of  Bolivar; 
but  even  his  genius  was  not  equal  to  its  accomplishment. 
Consequently,  our  thirteen  colonies,  when  their  revolt 
had  succeeded,  set  themselves  up,  not  as  thirteen  inde- 
pendent nations,  but  as  one  nation  comprised  of  thirteen 
federated  states.  The  sheer  force  of  gra\ity  has  caused 
their  union  to  expand. 

But  we  would  make  a  grave  mistake,  I  think,  if  we 
concluded  too  readily  that  our  North  American  experience 
had  all  the  advantage  on  its  side.  While  we  of  the  north- 
ern continent  have  been  demonstrating  one  great  truth 
about  the  democratic  form  of  government— that  through 
representative  institutions  it  can  be  expanded  successfully 
to  include  a  vast  imperial  dominion  and  indefinitely 
increasing  populations — the  southern  continent  has  been 
proving  another  equally  important  hypothesis.  It  is, 
namely,  that  a  family  of  states — entirely  sovereign  and 
independent — may  Hve  together,  in  the  same  continental 
area,  in  prosperity  and  progress. 

Neither  continent  has  escaped  from  the  misfortunes  of 
war  and  revolution.  We  have  had  our  contests — inter- 
national and  civil— but,  on  the  whole,  the  tendency  under 
our  repubHcan  institutions  has  been  toward  estabhshment 
of  those  means  of  conciHation,  arbitration  and  judicial 
determination  by  which  the  menace  of  war  is  lessened. 
No  American  state  succumbed  to  the  temptation  of  that 
militaristic  system  which  laid  ever  increasing  burdens  upon 
nations  elsewhere,  and  which  at  last  brought  them  to  crisis 
in  the  great  war.  In  the  last  half  century  our  American 
commonwealths  have  not  only  been  able  to  hold  themselves 
aloof  from  competitions  in  armament,  but  they  have  built 
up  a  system  of  international  arbitration  and  adjudication 
which  has  constantly  lessened  the  danger  of  armed  conflict. 

[20] 


There  is  too  little  realization  of  the  progress  that  has  been 
made  toward  judicial  and  arbitral  settlement  of  inter- 
national differences  by  the  American  nations.  It  presents 
an  example  well  worthy  earnest  consideration,  and  affords 
us  an  assurance  which  will  justify  our  purpose  to  invite  the 
present  day  civihzation  to  cast  aside  the  staggering  bur- 
den of  armament. 

Much  of  the  New  World  accomplishment  is  largely  due 
to  democratic  institutions.  We  have  not  known  the 
conflicting  ambitions  of  dynasties.  We  have  had  httle 
experience  with  secret  alHances  and  devious  diplomacies. 
In  their  very  nature,  our  democratic  institutions  have 
tended  to  keep  us  aloof  from  these  things. 

With  all  humihty,  but  in  all  sincerity  and  earnestness,  I 
feel  that  we  Americans,  North  and  South,  are  entitled  to 
hold  that  our  democracy  has  come  as  a  Hght  into  the 
world  of  international  relations,  and  that  it  wdll  show  us  a 
way  out  of  the  world's  present  troubles  into  a  day  when 
mankind  may  know  peace  and  plenty  and  happiness, 
and  when  the  first  duty  of  organized  society  may  be  to 
promote  the  welfare  of  its  members  rather  than  to  array 
itseff  in  power  against  the  threat  of  its  destruction. 

The  doctrine  proclaimed  under  Monroe,  which  ever  since 
has  been  jealously  guarded  as  a  fundamental  of  our  re- 
pubhc,  mauitained  that  these  continents  should  not  again 
be  regarded  as  fields  for  the  colonial  enterprises  of  Old 
World  powers.  There  have  been  times  when  the  meaning 
of  Monroeism  was  misunderstood  by  some,  perverted  by 
others  and  made  the  subject  of  distorting  propaganda 
by  those  who  saw  in  it  an  obstacle  to  the  realization  of 
their  own  ambitions.  Some  have  sought  to  make  our  ad- 
hesion to  this  doctrine  a  justification  for  prejudice  against 
the  United  States.  They  have  falsely  charged  that  we 
sought  to  hold  the  nations  of  the  Old  World  at  arm's 

[21] 


length,  in  order  that  we  might  monopolize  the  privilege  of 
exploitation  for  ourselves.  Others  have  protested  that  the 
doctrine  would  never  be  enforced,  if  to  enforce  it  should 
involve  us  in  actual  hostiUties. 

The  history  of  the  generations  since  that  doctrine 
was  proclaimed  has  proved  that  we  never  intended  it  sel- 
fishly; that  we  had  no  dream  of  exploitation.  On  the 
other  side,  the  history  of  the  last  decade  certainly  must 
have  convinced  all  the  world  that  we  stand  wilUng  to  fight, 
if  necessary,  to  protect  these  continents,  these  sturdy  young 
democracies,  from  oppression  and  tyranny. 

Surely,  we  may  contemplate  with  some  satisfaction  the 
vindication  that  our  American  system  has  won.  Under  it, 
in  a  period  so  brief  that  history  records  no  parallel  for  the 
achievement,  we  have  filled  tw^o  continents  with  splendid 
and  prosperous  states.  We  have  maintained  ourselves 
independent  of  the  older  systems,  aloof  from  their  differ- 
ences and  struggles.  We  have  erected  in  these  continents 
a  great  power  which,  when  civilization  was  at  stake,  we 
dared  to  cast  into  the  scale  on  the  side  of  right;  and  we  have 
seen  its  weight  have  a  deciding  part  in  the  cause  of  human 
justice. 

This  much  our  American  system  has  wrought  by  way  of 
its  own  justification.  Surely  we  may  look  upon  our  work 
and  decide  for  ourselves  whether  it  has  been  good.  BeHev- 
ing  it  has  been  good,  we  may  well  decide  there  can  be  no 
departure  from  the  standards  that  were  raised  for  us  by 
the  founding  fathers. 

If  we  could  consult  our  Washington  and  our  Bolivar 
to-day,  and  if  they  could  advise  us  out  of  their  wisdom 
and  experience,  they  would  tell  us  to  go  forward  in  firm 
confidence  that  ours  is  the  right  course,  I  believe  they 
would  admonish  us  to  cling  to  that  which  has  been  tried, 
to  hold  fast  to  the  institutions  of  moderation,  of  independ- 

[22] 


ence,  of  gradual  but  sure  progress.  If  they  and  all  the 
other  patriots  who  gave  their  blood,  their  genius  and  their 
Uves  to  estabhsh  free  institutions  upon  this  contment 
should  be  summoned  to  our  council,  they  would  survey 
what  our  system  has  accomplished  for  our  own  countries 
and  for  the  world  in  the  hour  of  its  uttermost  agony,  and 
they  would  tell  us  that  our  generation  had  wrought  into 
the  substance  of  splendid  achievement  that  which  in  their 
day  was  but  hope's  vision  of  a  better  world. 

We  have  created  no  Utopia  here  in  the  New  World,  and 
I  have  small  hope  that  we  shall.  We  have  accompHshed 
something  toward  betterment  of  mankind,  toward  peace, 
prosperity  and  security;  but  we  have  yet  far  to  travel.  I 
bespeak  mutual  confidence  and  cooperation  in  dealing 
with  these  problems,  which  are  American  problems,  to  be 
dealt  with  by  us  as  Americans.  We  have  gone  far  toward 
effective  cooperation  and  we  ought  to  go  farther  and  record 
greater  accompHshment. 

I  know  I  may  speak  the  spirit  of  the  United  States.  No 
selfishness  impels,  no  greed  is  urging,  no  envy  incites,  no 
hatred  is  actuating.  There  are  here  to-day  the  same  as- 
pirations as  those  which  won  enthusiasm  of  Simon  Bolivar 
when  he  came  to  breathe  his  admirations  for  Washington 
in  1806.  Washington  was  his  inspiration,  and  after  Gen- 
eral Bolivar  had  made  his  surpassing  contribution  to 
country  and  humanity,  an  American  naval  surgeon  at- 
tended and  consoled  him  in  his  last  hour.  Perhaps  there 
is  the  suggestion  of  an  indissoluble  tie  in  his  wearing  at  his 
death  a  medal  which  Washington  had  given  Lafayette, 
who  in  turn  had  given  it  to  General  Bolivar.  The  United 
States  salutes  Venezuela  and  the  South  American  nations 
born  of  General  Bolivar's  offerings  on  the  altars  of  freedom, 
and  pHghts  its  devotion  to  the  same  liberty,  the  same  jus- 
tice, the  same  aspirations  of  national  independence,  the 

[23] 


same  forward  look,  in  touching  elbows  while  we  advance 
to  greater  fulfilment. 

We  do  not  forget  that  in  the  United  States  to-day 
we  have  Latin-American  devotion  to  the  Stars  and  Stripes. 
Puerto  Rico  is  a  part  of  us,  under  a  permanent  policy 
aimed  at  her  prosperity  and  progress,  and  we  see  in  our 
Latin-American  state  the  splendid  agency  to  help  inter- 
pret the  Americas  to  one  another. 

Our  thoughts  are  mainly  of  the  Americas  to-day.  They 
cluster  about  this  statue  of  the  great  Bolivar,  and  the  good 
omen  it  brings  as  the  gift  of  a  nation,  which  utters  its  grati- 
tude to  him,  to  another  nation  which  has  ever  revered 
him,  and  joins  Venezuela  in  protecting  and  perpetuating 
the  work  of  free  men.  I  rejoice  in  this  testimony  of  the 
gratitude  of  Venezuela,  and  acclaim  the  statue  as  a  symbol 
of  the  deep-lying  sympathy  and  shared  regard  which  ce- 
ments the  nations  of  these  two  continents.  Let  it  stand 
out  as  an  earnest  of  more  effective  cooperation  and  better 
understanding,  and  more  intimate  and  ever  assuring 
friendship ! 

But  we  must  also  have  a  thought  for  all  mankind. 
The  world  is  torn  and  harassed,  and  Pan  Americanism 
means  sympathetic  and  generous  Americanism.  The 
world  needs  the  utmost  of  production,  of  restoration,  of 
rehabihtation,  of  steadying  influence,  all  that  we  can  con- 
tribute to  it.  Our  greatest  service  lies  in  standing  firmly 
together,  making  ourselves  strong  that  w^e  may  give  our 
strength,  rich  that  we  may  contribute  of  our  riches,  and 
confident  that  we  may  inspire  others  with  confidence. 

The  world  needs,  in  order  that  its  economic  balance  may 
be  redressed:  peace,  enterprise,  industry,  frugality  and 
commercial  development.  Here  we  have  two  rich  and 
mighty  continents  which,  as  a  whole,  have  felt  far  less  the 
effects  of  the  great  war  than  have  the  older  continental 

[24I 


areas.  To  us  the  world  is  turning,  with  the  plea  that  we 
draw  upon  the  resources  which  nature  and  our  common 
good  fortune  have  assured  to  us,  to  aid  those  who  have 
suffered  more  grievously  than  we. 

Herein  he  for  us  both  duty  and  opportunity:  duty  to 
those  whom  we  may  help;  opportunity,  in  helping  others, 
also  to  help  ourselves.  The  great  war  has  brought  to  us 
of  the  Americas  a  new  conception  of  our  place  in  the 
world,  a  larger  appreciation  of  the  opportunity  which  is 
ours.  We  are  blessed  with  natural  wealth,  with  industrious 
populations,  with  every  variety  of  soil  and  chmate  and 
opportunity.  We  have  developed  more  nearly  a  realiza- 
tion of  interdependence,  a  conception  of  something  hke 
economic,  pohtical  and  spiritual  sohdarity,  than  ever  be- 
fore. We  need  to  know  each  other  better;  to  understand 
institutions  and  peoples  and  methods  more  accurately; 
to  develop  the  great  producing  and  commercial  possibili- 
ties of  our  own  countries;  to  encourage  the  larger  exchanges 
of  our  products,  the  most  sympathetic  appreciation  of  our 
varied  relations  to  one  another  and  to  the  rest  of  the  world. 
By  accompHshmg  these  things  we  shall  mightily  strengthen 
ourselves  to  carry  forward  our  tasks  of  to-day  and  of  all 
the  to-morrows. 


[25] 


Address   delivered   by   his   Excellency   Doctor   Santos 

A.  Dominici,  minister  of  Venezuela,  at  the  banquet 

given    to    the    minister    of   foreign    relations 

and  the  members  of  the  special  mission 

of  Venezuela,  by  the  mayor  of  New 

York,  Tuesday  evening 

April  ig,  iq2i 

Mr.  Mayor: 

In  our  ears  still  echo  the  generous  words  you  pro- 
nounced on  Bolivar  hill  at  the  unveihng  of  the  statue  of 
the  Liberator,  and  by  this  time  the  electric  waves,  through 
the  air  or  beneath  the  seas,  have  already  borne  them  to  the 
whole  of  America,  along  with  the  eloquent  address  of  the 
president  of  the  United  States.  Although  the  voice  that 
comes  from  so  exalted  a  height  as  that  of  the  presidency  of 
this  great  nation  has  always  been  heard  by  the  world  with 
rapt  attention,  in  the  solemnity  of  this  day  it  goes  to  the 
heart  of  all  the  peoples  of  America,  and  it  produces  in 
Venezuela  the  deepest  patriotic  emotion,  one  that  has  not 
been  felt  there  since  that  transcendent  message  of  Cleve- 
land's to  Great  Britain  by  which  your  country  reaffirmed 
her  devotion  to  the  sacred  principles  of  international  jus- 
tice. 

Gentlemen:  the  president  and  the  mayor  opened  their 
discourses  by  laying  stress  on  the  immense  significance 
of  this  date  for  the  American  hemisphere.  Permit  me  to 
follow  their  lofty  example  and  also  begin   the  loosely 

[26] 


strung  phrases  that  I  must  address  to  you  by  recalUng  the 
events  that  occurred  on  that  memorable  day. 

As  that  day  dawned,  in  the  year  1775,  there  was  shed 
at  Lexington  the  first  blood  poured  out  on  the  altar  of 
liberty  in  the  New  World.  On  the  morning  of  that  same 
day,  twenty-five  years  later,  the  dikes  at  Caracas  were 
broken  by  the  revolutionary  movement  that  was  to  cease 
only  with  the  estabHshment  of  the  independence  of  His- 
panic America  and  with  its  erection  into  free  and  sover- 
eign republics. 

The  brief,  anxious  hours  that  preceded  that  first  offering 
of  blood  for  the  liberty  of  America  entered  at  once  into 
legend  and  poetry,  like  all  those  that  in  the  history  of 
humanity  have  deeply  stirred  the  heart  of  the  peoples  with 
a  sudden  presentiment  of  what  they  signified.  Who  has 
not  sung  with  your  Longfellow,  for  example,  the  ride  of 
Paul  Revere  beneath  that  April  moon,  as  he  called  the 
patriot  minute-men  to  arms,  when,  at  break  of  day,  the 
British  forces  reached  the  Lexington  green  crying:  "Dis- 
perse, rebels,  disperse!"  Seventy  of  those  brave  men 
awaited  there,  cool  and  resolute,  the  discharge  of  mus- 
ketry that  was  to  serve  the  whole  of  America  as  an  occasion 
for  appealing  to  force  in  defense  of  her  rights. 

Like  the  North  Americans,  the  Venezuelan  patriots 
spent  in  vigil  and  anxiety  the  night  that  preceded  the 
nineteenth  of  April,  1810.  Early  in  the  morning,  the 
plotters  were  astir,  and,  according  to  a  prearranged  plan, 
the  city  council  of  Caracas  gathered,  in  an  extraordinary 
session,  without  the  indispensable  authorization  of  the 
representative  of  Spanish  authority.  It  communicated 
the  fact  to  the  captain-general  and  called  upon  him  to  or- 
ganize a  supreme  committee  of  government.  He  refused 
and  he  abandoned  the  council-hall,  to  return  a  few  mo- 
ments later,  dragged  at  the  heels  of  the  people,  in  the  pres- 

[27] 


ence  of  his  troops.  This  time  he  found  seated  there  the 
first  two  deputies  of  the  Venezuelan  people,  who  were  at 
once  joined  by  Canon  Madariaga,  who  called  himself  the 
delegate  of  the  clergy:  a  man  whose  daring  and  ability  de- 
cided that  affair,  without  doubt  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
and  transcendent  occurrences  in  the  history  of  civism. 
Madariaga  demanded  the  immediate  deposition  of  the 
captain-general,  the  representative  of  the  king  of  Spain, 
there  present.  Disconcerted  by  this  audacity,  he  denied 
the  authority  of  those  intruders  that  proclaimed  themselves 
the  deputies  of  the  people,  and  he  decided  to  go  to  the  bal- 
cony and  take  counsel  of  the  people  themselves,  gathered 
in  front  of  the  municipal  building. 

*' We  will  have  none  of  you,"  burst  out  the  people,  urged 
on  by  the  plotters. 

''Nor  will  I  hold  office  then,"  repHed  the  Spanish  gover- 
nor. 

With  these  words,  the  authority  of  Spain  in  Venezuela 
vanished  for  ever. 

Thus,  on  April  19,  1810,  the  first  autonomous  and  inde- 
pendent government  was  established  in  Hispanic  Amer- 
ica. Quito  had  gloriously  essayed  it  a  year  before,  but 
the  attempt  was  drowned  in  blood  by  the  soldiers  of  the 
king,  as  in  Venezuela^  ten  years  earher,  had  been  that  of  the 
Venezuelan  patriots  led  by  Gual  y  Espana.  Caracas  was 
followed,  one  after  the  other  and  without  previous  agree- 
ment, by  Bogota  and  Buenos  Aires,  until  the  movement 
shook  the  entire  continent,  and  the  great  struggle  that 
was  to  drench  America  with  blood  for  more  than  three  lus- 
ters was  begun.  The  ephemerides  of  the  nineteenth  of 
April  are  therefore  doubly  sacred  for  the  American  con- 
tinent. 

In  the  peculiar  surroundings  of  the  present  hour,  my 
soul  still  stirred  by  the  emotions  of  this  afternoon,  it 

[28] 


seems  to  me  more  than  a  simple  coincidence  that  we  are 
gathered  here  on  this  great  day — united  in  the  loftiest 
spirit  of  friendship  and  brotherhood — we,  the  representa- 
tives of  the  peoples  liberated  by  Washington,  Bolivar, 
San  Martin  and  the  dauntless  hosts  that  sprang  up,  from 
the  plateaus  of  Mexico  to  the  shores  of  the  Plata.  Moved 
by  the  dazzHng  significance  of  the  day  for  the  whole  of 
America,  the  government  of  Venezuela  chose  it  for  the 
commemoration  in  which  you  have  done  us  the  honor  to 
join. 

Venezuela  has  erected  in  New  York  this  monument  to 
the  glory  of  the  most  illustrious  of  her  sons  as  the  best 
expression  of  the  traditional  friendship  of  the  Venezuelan 
people  for  the  people  of  the  United  States;  and  we  feel 
that  the  presence  of  Simon  Bolivar  in  the  most  beautiful 
park  of  the  land  of  George  Washington  will  cement  and 
strengthen  that  friendship,  born  when  another  son  of 
Venezuela,  Francisco  de  Miranda — come  to  these  shores 
from  the  fields  of  Europe  where  he  had  commanded, 
under  the  revolutionary  tricolor,  the  legions  that  fought 
for  the  principles  of  liberty,  equahty  and  fraternity — suc- 
ceeded in  making  his  voice  heard  by  even  Washington 
himself  and  in  interesting  in  the  cause  of  Venezuelan  inde- 
pendence— to  the  end  that  liberty  might  continue  hence 
in  triumph  to  the  rest  of  the  American  countries — Jeffer- 
son, Adams,  Hamilton  and  others  of  the  leading  founders  of 
the  repubHc.  A  year  later,  in  1806,  Miranda  set  out  from 
New  York,  bound  for  Venezuela,  at  the  head  of  two  hun- 
dred young  men,  almost  all  North  Americans.  Such  was 
the  first  expedition  organized  for  the  freeing  of  the  south- 
ern continent.  Ten  of  those  enthusiasts — among  them  a 
grandson  of  President  John  Adams — laid  down  their  fives 
on  the  altar  of  Hberty  at  that  time.  Venezuela,  filled 
with  gratitude,  has  raised  to  them  magnificent  monuments 

[29] 


that  exhibit  and  preserve  their  names  for  the  veneration 
of  the  people. 

A  few  months  later  landed  at  Boston,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-three  years,  Simon  Bolivar,  his  heart  and  mind 
aflame  with  ambition  to  free  Venezuela.  Thence  he  vis- 
ited the  fields  of  Lexington  and  Concord,  consecrated,  as 
we  have  already  said,  by  the  shedding  of  the  first  Ameri- 
can blood,  on  the  nineteenth  day  of  April,  almost  a  century 
and  a  half  ago.  Doubtless  on  those  fields,  as  on  others 
that  he  visited  before  reaching  Charleston,  on  his  way  to 
Venezuela,  his  soul  was  tempered  and  all  his  powers  were 
prepared  for  the  superhuman  struggle  to  which  he  was  to 
devote  his  life,  based  on  the  inspiring  oath  of  Monte 
Aventino.  Thenceforth,  indeed,  he  no  longer  lived  for 
anything  but  the  freedom  of  America. 

Bolivar's  glory,  gentlemen,  does  not  belong  exclusively 
to  Venezuela:  it  has  spread  throughout  America,  which  he 
always  regarded  as  a  single  great  country.  Well  placed, 
then,  in  the  center  of  the  metropoHs  of  the  New  World,  is 
the  monument  there  erected  to  his  glory. 

Mr.  Mayor:  the  expressions  of  attention  and  hospitahty 
with  which  the  city  of  New  York  overwhelms  us  have 
implanted  in  the  heart  of  the  mission  that  represents 
Venezuela  on  this  solemn  occasion  sentiments  of  the  most 
profound  regard.  In  honoring  our  country  in  the  person 
of  her  most  eminent  son,  you  have  strengthened  the  tra- 
ditional friendship  that  the  people  of  Venezuela  entertain 
for  this  great  nation.  The  Venezuelans  will  never  forget 
this.  Permit  me  to  utter  these  feeble  expressions  of  our 
lively  gratitude  to  the  distinguished  members  of  the  com- 
mittee that  with  such  briUiancy  and  such  exquisite  deli- 
cacy has  prepared  and  carried  into  effect  the  courtesies  and 
festivities  of  this  commemoration.  We  shall  take  to  our 
country  and  transmit  to  the  people — who  throughout  the 

[30] 


whole  extent  of  Venezuela  have  joined  us  to-day  in  spiritual 
communion  in  rendering  homage  to  their  Liberator — the 
most  vivid,  enduring  and  agreeable  impressions  of  this 
great  day. 

In  Hke  manner,  we  shall  always  remember  the  intelligent 
and  efficient  cooperation  that  the  Honorable  John  Barrett 
has  been  so  kind  as  to  lend.  When  we  personally  appealed 
to  him  to  represent  the  Venezuelan  mission  on  the 
committee  appointed  to  make  arrangements  for  the 
festivities  of  to-day,  I  knew  that  I  could  rely  upon  his 
enthusiasm  for  every  idea  or  act  that  would  tend  to  increase 
friendship  and  good  understanding  between  the  Americas, 
to  bring  nearer  the  realization  of  the  ancient  ideal,  the 
noble  aspiration  of  Bolivar  and  Henry  Clay,  to  which  at 
present  we  give  the  name  of  Pan  Americanism.  Mr. 
Barrett:  the  government  of  Venezuela  thanks  you  very 
heartily  for  your  cooperation  and  for  the  new  service  you 
have  rendered  to  the  cause  of  Pan  Americanism,  which  al- 
ready owes  so  much  to  your  efforts. 

Permit  me  now  to  have  the  intense  satisfaction  of  ren- 
dering the  most  genuine  tribute  of  admiration  to  the  artist, 
who,  not,  indeed,  with  her  hands,  but  with  her  soul,  mod- 
eled for  the  contemplation  of  future  generations  the  heroic 
figure  of  the  Liberator.  I  do  not  attempt  to  judge  of  the 
production;  you  have  seen  it;  very  severe  judges  have  al- 
ready recognized  its  merit;  and  that  fine,  candid,  unan- 
swerable, supreme  critic,  whose  verdict  is  the  one  that 
finally  confers  the  laurel  of  fame — the  people — has  al- 
ready begun,  by  its  expressive  exclamations  of  frank  ad- 
miration, to  stamp  upon  it  the  seal  accorded  to  master- 
pieces. It  is  sufficient  to  say  to  you  here  that  the  legation 
of  Venezuela  in  Washington  received  the  day  following  the 
one  in  which  the  statue  was  placed  upon  its  pedestal,  a 
dozen  letters  from  those  anonymous  critics  that  saw  it, 

[31] 


for  the  brief  hour  during  which  it  remained  exposed  to 
the  setting  sun,  and  who,  that  same  night,  felt  impelled 
to  write  us  a  few  words:  "The  work  is  magnificent,  mar- 
velous; we  desire  to  know  more  of  the  life  and  achieve- 
ments of  Simon  Bolivar."  To  them  we  replied  by  sending 
the  sketch  of  the  Liberator's  life,  which,  with  so  much 
talent  and  in  view  of  the  celebration  of  to-day,  has  just 
been  published  by  Doctor  Guillermo  Sherwell. 

I  desire  to  address  myself  only  to  the  w^oman  and  the 
artist,  so  intimately  joined  in  the  talented  sculptress  of 
the  Liberator,  Mrs.  SalHe  James  Farnham,  in  order  to 
try  to  express  to  her  our  eternal  gratitude  for  her  enthusi- 
asm, her  inspiration,  the  love  that  she  put  into  the  produc- 
tion of  the  work  and  the  faith  and  energy  with  which  she 
struggled  against  and  overcame  the  innumerable  difii- 
culties  that  the  abnormal  circumstances  of  the  last  three 
years  constantly  opposed  to  the  material  execution  of  the 
monument.  Venezuela  has  to-day  written  in  the  book  of 
those  that  have  earned  the  good  will  of  the  country  the 
name  of  your  distinguished  compatriot,  Salhe  James 
Farnham. 

To  conclude,  it  falls  to  my  lot  to  have  the  great  honor  of 
expressing  to  the  governments  of  the  Iberian  republics, 
so  worthily  represented  about  this  table,  the  profound 
gratitude  of  the  government  and  people  of  Venezuela  for 
the  part  they  have  hastened  to  take  in  the  homage  paid  to 
the  Liberator  and  in  the  testimony  of  friendship  that  Vene- 
zuela has  been  pleased  to  render  to  the  great  sister  of  the 
north.  The  delegation  of  Venezuela  cordially  thanks 
these  distinguished  representatives  for  their  attendance 
upon  the  ceremonies  of  this  day,  but  it  wishes  especially 
to  express  to  his  excellency  the  ambassador  of  Brazil  how 
greatly  it  appreciated  the  presence  this  afternoon  on  Boli- 
var hill  of  the  smart  sailors  of  the  Minas  Gcraes,  and  of  the 

[32] 


noble  flag  of  "Order  and  Progress,"  spread  to  the  winds; 
and  how  deeply  it  was  stirred  by  the  notes  of  our  national 
hymn,  played  there  by  them  with  so  much  spirit,  while 
the  cannon  saluted  the  bronze  figure  of  the  hero. 

Gentlemen:  I  invite  you  to  rise,  even  if  in  mental  genu- 
flection, that  we  may  for  an  instant  pay  homage  to  the 
memory  of  our  illustrious  liberators:  the  great  memory  of 
Washington,  BoHvar,  San  Martin,  Miranda  and  Sucre; 
O'Higgins,  Hidalgo,  Artigas,  Bonifacio,  Morazan,  Barrios, 
Delgado,  Mora  and  Marti;  and  so  many  others  that 
formed  the  innumerable  host  of  heroes,  who,  in  the  north, 
center  and  south  of  this  hemisphere,  fought  and  suffered 
for  the  independence  of  America:  the  great  anonymous 
masses  who,  over  every  foot  of  the  American  soil,  in  behalf 
of  hberty,  reproduced  and  outshone  the  highest  mihtary 
and  civic  deeds  of  the  history  of  the  world.  Let  us  be 
united  in  a  joint  effort,  in  order  that,  as  the  fathers  and 
founders  of  our  countries  dreamed,  freedom  may  reign 
in  the  three  Americas,  and  that  in  them  may  be  realized 
the  noblest  ideals  of  humanity. 


[33] 


Address   delivered   by    his   Excellency    senor   Bellrdn 

Maihieu,    ambassador   of  Chile,    at   the   banquet 

given    to    the    minister    of  foreign    relations 

and  the  members  of  the  special  mission  oj 

Venezuela,  by  the  mayor  oJ  New  York 

Tuesday  evening,  April  ig,  ig2i 

Gentlemen  : 

The  dictates  of  diplomatic  precedence  bestow  upon  me 
the  honor  of  speaking  on  this  occasion,  and  I  must  avail 
myself  of  it,  in  the  first  place,  to  greet,  in  behalf  of  my 
honorable  colleagues  of  the  Pan  American  Union,  his  ex- 
cellency, the  minister  of  foreign  relations  of  Venezuela, 
and  the  distinguished  members  of  the  delegation  of  which 
he  is  the  worthy  chairman. 

Through  them  we  present  our  respects  to  his  excellency, 
the  president  of  the  Venezuelan  republic,  to  his  enhghtened 
government  and  to  the  sister  nation,  to  which  we  extend 
our  best  wishes  for  her  happiness  and  continued  progress. 

We  are  pleased,  at  the  same  time,  cordially  to  fehcitate 
our  cherished  colleague,  his  Excellency  Doctor  Dominici, 
the  worthy  representative  of  Venezuela  at  Washington, 
upon  the  demonstration  of  sympathy  and  good  will  of 
which  his  country  is  the  object  on  this  occasion,  and  in 
which  we  join  with  genuine  satisfaction  in  behalf  of  our 
countries,  all  members  of  the  same  great  family,  in  whose 
good  name  we  have  a  common  interest  and  for  whose 
dignity  we  have  a  common  responsibility. 

Now,  gentlemen,  a  Uttle  history,   which  it  devolves 

[34] 


upon  me  to  call  to  mind  again,  on  this  occasion  that  we 
are  gathered  to  celebrate. 

The  independence  of  the  South  American  continent 
was  not  definitively  consummated  and  estabHshed  until 
December  g,  1824,  by  the  battle  of  Ayacucho,  fought  on 
the  plateau  of  the  Andes. 

The  military  campaign  of  the  independents — which 
culminated  in  that  memorable  battle,  the  luster  of  which 
was  dimmed  by  the  remoteness  of  the  spot  where  it  took 
place,  more  isolated  then  than  now,  and  by  the  dazzling 
feats  of  the  great  European  captain  of  the  century,  still 
fresh  for  the  admiration  of  his  contemporaries — ^probably 
did  not  attain  in  its  epoch  the  universal  reputation  that 
it  deserved.  Yet  that  campaign,  apart  from  its  transcend- 
ent results — transcendent  because  decisive — wasa  masterly 
achievement,  in  strategical  conception,  on  the  part  of 
General  Bolivar,  as  well  as  a  tactical  accomplishment,  on 
the  part  of  his  heutenant.  General  Sucre ;  and  it  is  worthy 
of  a  place  among  the  most  famous  campaigns  of  history. 
Both  the  Argentine  general,  don  Jose  de  San  Martin, 
who,  with  the  Chilean- Argentine  army,  had  just  effected 
the  liberation  of  the  southern  republics,  and  General  don 
Simon  Bolivar,  who  won  freedom  for  those  of  the  north, 
reahzed  that  their  work  would  be  incomplete,  that  it  would 
be  ephemeral,  without  the  destruction  of  the  power  of  the 
mother-country,  which  remained  strong  and  threatening 
in  the  heart  of  the  country;  and  the  two  conceived,  and 
successively  carried  into  effect,  the  thought  of  freeing  Peru. 
In  the  common  enterprise,  it  fell  to  the  lot  of  Bolivar  to 
accomplish  it  finally,  with  the  Colombian  army,  in  the 
daring  and  memorable  campaign  that  we  have  recalled  and 
that  resembles  the  performance  of  the  Roman  against  the 
Carthaginian,  without  the  destruction  of  Carthage. 

However,  neither  of  these  two  great  captains,  who  em- 

[35] 


bodied  in  their  persons  the  miHtary  glories  of  South  Ameri- 
can independence,  could  have  conceived,  much  less 
achieved,  this  plan,  if  they  had  not  been  assured  in  advance 
of  the  control  of  the  sea,  thitherto  held  absolutely  by  the 
mother-country. 

I  do  not  dwell  on  the  decisive  importance  of  this  factor, 
because  I  speak  before  an  audience  already  famihar  with 
the  American  Captain  Mahan's  classic  work,  w^hich,  besides 
being  a  lesson  from  the  past,  was  a  prophecy  of  the  future. 

So  then:  the  sea  being  cleared  in  advance,  the  flag  of  the 
mother-country  disappeared  from  the  Pacific;  and  in  its 
stead  floated,  with  vivid  flashes  of  glory,  the  tricolored 
flag  with  a  single  star:  the  emblem  of  the  modest,  new- 
born repubHc,  the  poorest  and  farthest  away  of  the  con- 
tinent, hemmed  in  between  the  upheaved  mountain  and 
the  vast  ocean,  peopled  by  a  handful  of  mountaineers  and 
seamen,  wdth  the  instinct  and  passion  for  Hberty  that  are 
infused  by  the  sea  and  the  mountains. 

You  will  understand  and  you  will  excuse  my  emotion, 
gentlemen,  for  I  have  mentioned  my  country,  Chile. 

It  was  indeed  a  Chilean,  General  don  Bernardo  O'Hig- 
gins,  one  of  the  leaders  in  our  struggle  for  independence, 
who,  by  exhausting  the  resources  of  his  poor  country,  by 
squeezing,  according  to  the  common  expression,  blood 
from  a  stone,  built  up  the  squadron  that  was  to  free  the 
ocean.  He  intrusted  it  to  the  genius  of  a  British  seaman, 
Sir  Thomas  Cochrane,  Lord  Dundonald,  whom  the  haz- 
ards of  fortune  had  led  to  those  remote  shores  of  the  Pacific 
in  quest  of  a  glory  that  he  would  surely  have  achieved  else- 
where in  an  equal  measure.  Among  his  ofl&cers  figured  the 
names  of  Americans,  such  as  that  of  Delano;  but  his  crews 
were  gathered  along  the  extensive  shores  of  the  country. 

''On  those  four  decks  goes  the  fate  of  America,"  said 
O'Higgins,  as  he  sent  forth  the  squadron  of  freedom. 

[36] 


Cochrane's  naval  campaign  was  an  epopee.  He  ac- 
complished his  purpose  to  the  full;  it  was  commensurate 
with  the  sacrifices  involved;  he  covered  us  with  glory, 
while  bequeathing  us  at  the  same  time  a  precious  tradition 
that  our  youthful  generations  of  sailors  have  cultivated 
with  rehgious  devotion. 

I  beg  pardon  again — this  time  of  my  South  American 
compatriots  in  particular — but  so  many  were  the  glories, 
so  common  was  the  effort,  and  so  entirely  for  the  general 
good  were  the  results,  that  I  think  that,  in  this  hour  of 
the  apotheosis  of  a  great  American  figure,  there  is  room 
for  all,  and  that  there  is  no  reason  to  underestimate  the 
part  which,  in  the  splendid  enterprise,  the  circumstances 
assigned  to  each.  We  did  not  haggle  then  over  sacrifices; 
it  would  be  improper  to  quibble  now  over  merits. 

A  century  of  independent  existence  has  now  passed, 
and  we  must  cast  up  accounts.  Have  we  made  good  use 
of  the  freedom  that  was  won  for  us  by  our  ancestors? 
We  can  reply,  in  general,  and  with  due  consideration  of 
all  things,  in  the  affirmative. 

The  currents  of  human  thought  tended  toward  democ- 
racy; the  influence  of  the  French  revolution,  on  the  one 
hand,  and  that  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  on 
the  other,  dominated  the  minds  of  men;  and,  without 
being  appalled  by  the  difficulties,  they  set  themselves 
resolutely  to  the  organization  of  repubhcan-democratic 
governments:  in  my  judgment,  the  most  difficult  form 
of  government  to  put  into  practice,  because  under  it  all 
were  summoned  to  command,  when,  during  the  three  cen- 
turies of  the  colony,  we  had  learned  nothing  but  obe- 
dience. Shut  up  a  man  for  a  long  time  in  a  darkened 
chamber,  and  then  suddenly  expose  him  to  the  Hght  of 
the  sun;  dazzled,  he  will  be  incapable  of  taking  a  step  with- 
out hesitating,  without   stumbling  and  falhng.     In  the 

[37] 


same  way  our  young  republics  were  dazzled  by  the  sun  of 
liberty,  and  this  is  the  explanation  of  their  gropings,  their 
stumbUngs,  their  falls,  while  they  have  been  becoming 
habituated  to  the  Hght  and  have  been  learning  to  walk, 
some,  now  with  a  fairly  steady  step;  others,  with  steps  less 
firm ;  and  still  others,  with  considerable  uncertainty.  They 
tend,  however,  to  move  in  unison,  and  the  pace  must  cer- 
tainly become  uniform  on  this  rough  and  toilsome  road  to 
progress,  whose  goal  can  only  be  attained  by  orienting 
themselves  with  the  compass  that  points  to  the  pole-star  of 
Hberty  within  order.  Order  and  liberty:  two  very  short 
words,  very  commonplace  and  usual,  very  easy  to  pro- 
nounce with  the  hps,  but  very  difficult  to  harmonize,  when 
we  undertake  to  apply  them,  sincerely  and  in  good  faith,  to 
the  reahties !  Nevertheless,  upon  them  reposes  the  whole 
democratic  system. 

We  must  not  be  intolerant  or  impatient,  and  we  ought 
to  consider,  like  the  Latin  classic — if  we  are  to  judge  with 
equanimity — that  nothing  that  is  human,  above  all,  in  poht- 
ical  affairs — either  of  virtues  or  of  defects — is  ahen  to  us. 

My  prayer,  in  this  hour  in  which  one  of  our  great  men 
is  being  glorified,  is  that  we  may  all  become  worthy  of  the 
sacrifices  that  they  underwent  to  give  us  national  personal- 
ities capable  of  vying  with  the  others  that  constitute 
civilized  society,  and  with  whom  we  must  Uve  in  contact. 
We  have  an  example  at  hand,  without  going  outside  the 
continent,  in  the  democratic  institutions  and  practices 
of  this  same  powerful  nation  that  has  just  extended  rever- 
ent hospitahty  to  the  bronze  figure  of  the  great  South 
American  Liberator. 

For  my  part  in  the  occasion,  I  thank  our  kind  hosts  of 
this  evening,  as  well  as  the  distinguished  audience,  whose 
patience  I  have  doubtless  tried  while  uttering  these  things 
that  were  in  my  heart. 

[38] 


Address    delivered    by    Doctor    John    Bassett    Moore 

president   of  the   Pan   American  Society   of  the 

United   States,    at   the   luncheon   given   to   the 

minister  of  foreign  relations  and  the  special 

mission  of  the  United  States  of  Venezuela 

and  to  the  delegates  of  the  other  A  mer- 

ican   republics    by   the   society 

Wednesday,  April  20,  igzi 

Gentlemen: 

When  I  first  visited  Switzerland,  the  land  proudly  hold- 
ing among  existing  nations  the  oldest  title  to  the  name 
"repubhc,"  among  the  first  things  to  attract  my  attention 
were  the  signal  stations  in  the  mountains.  Situated  among 
powers  accustomed  to  war  with  one  another,  Switzerland 
long  ago  received  by  common  consent,  in  order  that  her 
independence  might  be  preserved,  a  guaranty  of  perpet- 
ual neutrality.  But  her  hardy  and  patriotic  people,  bear- 
ing in  mind  the  struggles  and  the  sacrifices  by  which  their 
independence  was  won,  have  never  ceased  to  be  alive  to 
the  fact  that  no  nation  is  safe  against  attack.  Hence 
they  have  established  and  maintained  an  admirable  sys- 
tem of  defense,  and  have  erected  in  the  mountain  tops 
stations  from  which  the  signal  of  danger  may  be  flashed 
throughout  the  land ;  and  as  I  reflected  on  the  significance 
of  these  stations,  I  came  to  think  of  them  as  beacons  of 
liberty. 

In  the  spiritual  life  of  man  and  in  the  domain  of  political 
thought  and  action,  these  signal  stations  have  their  ana- 

[39] 


logues.  As  we  survey  the  past  and  raise  our  eyes  to  the 
summits  of  human  endeavor,  we  see  standing  before  us 
on  the  mountain  tops  the  great  figures  who  have  borne 
the  torch  of  Hberty.  In  their  time  they  were  the  leaders 
of  men,  carrying  to  oppressed  peoples  the  call  to  emancipa- 
tion and  beckoning  them  on  to  a  new  freedom  and  a 
higher  destiny. 

The  name  of  such  a  leader  is  on  all  our  lips  to-day.  His 
unveiled  statue,  standing  in  the  midst  of  this  populous  city, 
will  serve  to  remind  the  myriads  that  behold  it,  not  only 
of  his  physical  form  and  appearance,  but,  even  more,  of 
his  immortal  pohtical  legacy  to  the  world  and  especially 
to  the  western  hemisphere. 

The  test  of  a  man's  fidehty  to  a  faith  is  his  readiness 
to  suffer  for  it  and  his  capacity  to  cherish  it  in  adversity. 
The  air  to-day  reverberates  with  the  name  of  Simon 
Bolivar,  because  of  his  triumphant  endurance  of  this  su- 
preme test.  Defeated  in  his  earhest  efforts  and  even 
driven  by  hostile  metropoHtan  forces  from  the  native  soil 
he  loved  so  well,  he  bore  with  fortitude  the  hardships  of 
exile  and  of  poverty,  and,  confident  in  the  ultimate  issue, 
persevered  in  the  struggle  until  he  became  the  recognized 
champion  of  a  victorious  ideal. 

We  have  often  heard  of  the  prophetic  letter  that  Bolivar 
wrote,  more  than  a  hundred  years  ago,  when  hopes  for 
the  future  were  most  downcast,  and  the  cause  seemed  al- 
most lost.  But,  famiUar  as  we  may  be  with  this  cele- 
brated utterance,  I  venture  again  to  mention  it  and  to  re- 
peat some  of  its  terms.  It  is  one  of  the  privileges  and  im- 
munities of  eternal  truth  that  it  bears  constant  repetition. 
As,  in  the  domain  of  rehgion,  the  four  gospels  are  to  be 
read  every  day  and  always  heeded,  so,  in  the  domain  of 
pohtics,  the  gospel  according  to  Simon  Bolivar,  hke  the 
gospel  according  to  George  Washington,  and — let  me  also 

[40] 


say — according  to  that  great  North  American  protagon- 
ist of  South  American  independence,  Henry  Clay,  is  to  be 
read  daily  and  practised  for  all  time. 

Bolivar  spoke  not  only  for  the  moment,  but  also  for  all 
future  ages,  when  he  declared: 

The  destiny  of  America  is  irrevocably  fixed;  the  tie  that  unites 
her  to  Spain  is  cut.  .  .  .  Because  successes  have  been  partial 
and  fluctuating,  we  ought  not  to  lose  confidence  in  fortune.  In 
certain  places  the  upholders  of  independence  triumph;  while  the 
tyrants  obtain  advantages  in  others.  And  what  is  the  result?  Is 
not  the  New  World  vigorous,  aroused  and  armed  for  its  defense? 
We  glance  about  us  and  we  see  everywhere  a  light  throughout  the 
immense  extent  of  this  hemisphere. 

The  light  that  the  heroic  exile,  piercing  with  prophetic 
eye  the  gloom  then  enshrouding  the  political  horizon, 
saw  fitfully  flaming,  continued  to  burn  and  to  glow  until 
it  illuminated  with  its  radiance  the  entire  western  hem- 
isphere. 

But  Bolivar  was  not  thinking  of  the  founding  of  vast 
territorial  empires  or  solely  of  material  things.  He  esti- 
mated the  greatness  of  nations,  as  he  declared,  "not  so 
much  by  reason  of  extent  and  riches  as  by  reason  of  liberty 
and  glory."  And  among  his  cherished  visions  was  that 
of  an  international  congress  that  should  deal  with  the 
highest  interests  both  of  peace  and  of  war.  It  was  this 
conception  that  led  him  to  convoke  the  congress  of  Pa- 
nama, which,  although  it  failed  to  attain  its  immediate  ob- 
ject, proved  to  be  the  progenitor  of  the  habit  of  friendly 
and  fraternal  conference  among  the  American  nations. 

At  the  time  when  Bolivar  wrote  and  wrought,  the  minds 
of  men  were  still  aglow  with  the  precepts  of  poHtical  lib- 
erty that  characterized  the  second  half  of  the  eighteenth 
century  and  continued  to  produce  rich  fruitage  in  the 
nineteenth.    Among  the  ideas  then  preached  by  philos- 

[41] 


ophers  and  that  were  coming  to  be  accepted  by  statesmen, 
was  that  of  the  legal  equaUty  of  independent  states. 
Among  the  works  on  international  law  by  which  inteUigent 
thought  was  then  most  influenced,  none  has  been  more 
frequently  cited  or  more  widely  read  than  the  treatise  by 
the  famous  Swiss  publicist  Vattel.  In  a  well  known 
passage,  this  celebrated  writer,  speaking  of  nations  as 
bodies  of  free  persons  "naturally  equal"  and  inheriting 
from  nature  "the  same  obligations  and  rights,"  declared: 

Power  or  weakness  does  not  in  this  respect  produce  any  difference. 
The  dwarf  is  as  much  a  man  as  a  giant;  a  small  republic  is  no  less  a 
sovereign  state  than  the  most  powerful  kingdom. 

Our  own  great  chief  justice,  John  Marshall,  who  had  been  a 
soldier  of  the  American  revolution,  espousing  this  principle 
in  its  entirety,  declared,  in  an  oft  quoted  judicial  opinion: 

No  principle  of  general  law  is  more  universally  acknowledged  than 
the  perfect  equality  of  nations.  Russia  and  Geneva  have  equal 
rights. 

This  principle,  of  the  equahty  of  all  sovereign  states,  in 
the  eye  of  international  law,  was  the  very  foundation  of 
American  policy,  both  to  the  north  and  to  the  south. 

It  must  be  confessed  that  among  men  practice  never 
completely  squares  with  professed  principles.  Not  only 
are  principles  often  difficult  of  apphcation,  but  their  ap- 
plication is  frequently  disturbed  and  thwarted  by  human 
passions.  But  there  stands  to-day  to  the  credit  of  the 
American  nations  the  distinct  achievement — through 
international  conferences  in  which  differences  of  power  or 
of  weakness  are  not  recognized — of  a  voluntary  system  of 
cooperation  in  the  development  of  the  arts  of  peace. 
It  was  my  good  fortune  to  be  present  at  the  first  meeting 
of  the  first  of  the  assemblies  distinctively  known  as  the 
"international  American  conferences,"  and  to  Hsten  to 

[42] 


Statue  of 

THE  LIBERATOR  SIMON  BOLIVAR 

Pietro  Cavalier  Tenerani,  Sc. 
Erected  in  Bogota 


the  eloquent  salutatory  of  Mr.  Blaine,  when  he  called  upon 
the  delegates  to 

show  to  the  world  an  honorable,  peaceful  conference  of  ...  in- 
dependent American  powers,  in  which  all  shall  meet  together  on 
terms  of  absolute  equality:  a  conference  in  which  there  can  be  no  at- 
tempt to  coerce  a  single  delegate  against  his  own  conception  of  the 
interests  of  his  nation;  a  conference  which  will  permit  no  secret  under- 
standing on  any  subject,  but  will  frankly  publish  to  the  world  all  its 
conclusions;  a  conference  which  will  tolerate  no  spirit  of  conquest, 
but  will  aim  to  cultivate  an  American  sympathy  as  broad  as  both 
continents;  a  conference  which  will  form  no  selfish  alliance  against 
the  older  nations  from  which  we  are  proud  to  claim  inheritance;  a 
conference,  in  fine,  which  will  seek  nothing,  propose  nothing,  endure 
nothing  that  is  not,  in  the  general  sense  of  all  the  delegates,  timely 
and  wise  and  peaceful. 

It  was  during  the  sessions  of  this  conference,  whose 
lofty  and  beneVolent  purposes  were  thus  proclaimed 
that  the  phrase  '^ American  powers"  was  changed  to 
"American  republics,"  through  the  transformation  of  the 
great  empire  of  Brazil  into  the  great  republic  of  the  United 
States  of  Brazil.  In  the  succeeding  international  Ameri- 
can conference,  as  well  as  in  other  international  confer- 
ences— scientific,  educational  and  financial — the  spirit  of 
sympathy  and  neighborliness  has  been  cultivated,  ex- 
panded and  revivified. 

With  the  cultivation  and  expansion  of  this  spirit  and 
with  the  preservation  of  that  unity  of  purpose  and  har- 
mony of  action  by  which  it  is  animated,  the  future  of 
America,  with  its  boundless  resources  and  boundless  op- 
portunities, challenges  the  farthest  reach  of  the  imagina- 
tion; and  as  the  American  nations  grow  in  riches  and  in 
power,  let  us  see  to  it  that  they  continue  to  cultivate 
the  spirit  of  liberty,  justice  and  respect  for  national  rights 
and  obligations,  and  to  regard  the  preservation  and  per- 
petuation of  that  spirit  as  their  highest  and  greatest  glory. 

[43] 


It  is  to  thoughts  such  as  these  that  the  present  occasion 
owes  its  existence;  and,  standing  in  the  presence  of  the 
special  mission  from  the  native  land  of  Simon  Bolivar, 
and  of  the  other  American  repubHcs,  let  us  dedicate  our- 
selves anew  to  the  consummation  of  the  exalted  ideal 
that  has  given  to  the  name  ''America"  its  distinctive  place 
and  its  noblest  meaning  in  the  history  of  the  world's 
progress. 


[44] 


Address  delivered  by  his  Excellency  Doctor  Rafael  H. 
Elizalde,  minister  of  Ecuador,  at  the  luncheon  given 
to  the  minister  of  foreign  relations  and  the  spe- 
cial mission  of  the  United  States  of  Vene- 
zuela and  to  the  delegates  of  the  other 
American  republics  by  the  Pan 
American    Society  of   the 
United  States,  Wednes- 
day, April  20,  igzi 
Gentlemen: 

I  am  indebted  for  the  honor  of  speaking  before  this 
illustrious  audience  to  the  gallantry  of  his  Excellency  senor 
Mathieu,  the  ambassador  of  Chile,  who  has  been  pleased 
to  give  way  to  me,  to  the  prejudice  of  all,  yet  doubtless  as 
a  manifestation  of  respect  for  my  country,  an  immemorial 
friend  of  his,  and  of  me,  his  personal  friend  of  a  quarter  of 
a  century. 

I  express  my  appreciation  to  him,  and  also  to  the  Pan 
American  Society  for  the  invitation  it  gave  me  to  attend 
this  luncheon  and  for  the  opportunity  it  thus  affords  me 
to  speak  in  its  presence,  in  that  of  the  distinguished  mem- 
bers of  the  Venezuelan  mission  and  in  that  of  the  other 
eminent  personages  that  surround  this  table. 

I  have  accepted  the  favorable  opportunity  to  discharge 
the  mission  that  has  brought  me,  together  with  all  the 
personnel  of  Ecuador,  to  this  city,  and,  in  compKance  with 
the  express  order  of  my  government,  to  attend  the  cere- 
mony of  the  unveiling  of  the  statue  of  Bolivar,  in  response 
to  the  invitation  of  the  government  of  Venezuela. 

[45] 


Since  Ecuador  forms  a  part  of  the  entity  that  is  included 
in  the  term  ''Pan  America,"  her  representative  does  not 
consider  himself  a  stranger  in  these  surroundings,  but, 
rather,  as  stirred  by  them  and  stimulated  by  the  sacred 
emotion  of  a  larger  gratitude:  the  gratitude  of  a  continent 
and  a  race  for  the  honor  bestowed  by  another  continent  and 
another  race  in  celebrating,  with  the  magnificence  and 
pomp  that  only  this  continent  and  this  race  can  display,  the 
unveihng  of  the  statue  of  one  of  the  greatest  men  of  the 
New  World,  in  what  is,  perchance,  the  largest  city  of  the 
world. 

If  France,  perhaps  as  the  expression  of  a  principle 
that  she  established  and  glorified,  presented  to  New  York 
the  gift  of  the  statue  of  Liberty,  it  is  understood  that 
Venezuela  has  desired  to  set  up  near  it  the  statue  of  the 
Liberator.  So,  the  idea  and  the  man,  wrought  in  bronze, 
"^vill  speak  to  the  ages  of  this  eternal  wedlock,  in  a  land  of 
stupendous  reahties  rather  than  of  promise,  where  France 
learned  liberty  and  where  Bolivar  began  his  arduous  career 
as  the  Liberator. 

I  shall  not  recount  in  your  presence  the  history  of  Boli- 
var, since  I  speak  in  the  midst  of  men  that  are  not  ignor- 
ant of  it;  but,  in  the  presence  of  the  Pan  American  So- 
ciety, I  can  do  no  less  than  recall  that  the  ideals  that  gave 
to  it  life,  a  name  and  a  purpose;  those  that  inform  the 
hitherto  only  dreamed-of  but  not  realized  aspirations 
of  a  harmonious,  voluntary  and  conjoint  international 
policy  on  the  hemisphere  of  Columbus;  those  that  Monroe 
doubtless  had  in  mind  when  he  formulated  his  celebrated 
doctrine  of  1823,  are  the  same  ideals  and  principles  of 
independence,  liberty  and  cooperation  that  inspired  Boli- 
var when  he  undertook  the  gigantic  enterprise  that  he 
set  on  foot  in  1810  and  that  was  definitively  concluded  at 
Ayacucho  in  1824;  and  the  same  that  gave  rise  to  the  in\i- 

[46] 


tation  which,  on  the  ground  of  that  feat  of  arms  and  as 
president  of  the  Colombia  of  that  time,  he  addressed  to 
all  the  governments  for  the  purpose  of  calling  together  at 
Panama  an  assembly  of  plenipotentiaries.  He  that  ex- 
amines the  basis  of  the  ideas  of  that  document  can  deduce, 
perhaps  truly,  that  Bolivar  was  the  precursor  of  Pan 
Americanism.  This  single  quality  would  be  sufficient 
to  exalt  his  memory  within  the  circle  of  this  society  over 
which  presides  the  great  master  of  international  law,  the 
Honorable  John  Bassett  Moore. 

Let  me  also  be  permitted  to  recall  that,  in  the  liberation 
of  Hispanic  America,  to  the  lot  of  Ecuador  fell  the  im- 
perishable honor — which  in  the  spirit  of  justice  I  could  not 
fail  to  exalt  once  more  before  the  world — or,  rather,  the 
glory,  I  may  say,  of  having  marched  in  the  vanguard  of 
freedom.  ** Quito,"  said  Baralt,  '^before  any  other  city, 
established,  in  August,  1809,  a  government  committee." 
I  quote  from  the  most  famous  of  the  Venezuelan  histor- 
ians in  order  to  proclaim  with  him  that  if  it  fell  to  the 
lot  of  Venezuela  to  be  the  cradle  of  the  Liberator,  Ecuador 
had  the  honor  to  be  the  cradle  of  liberty. 

The  truth  is  that,  in  the  work  of  estabhshing  independ- 
ence in  the  Americas,  to  each  of  those  that  afterward 
became  nations,  but  that  were  formerly  only  colonies  or 
inhabited  territories,  as  Raimondi  said:  to  each  of  them, 
I  say,  pertains  her  part  in  effort,  cooperation  and  merit. 

Not  yet  existed  the  patrias  of  to-day  when  were  born 
Washington,  Bolivar,  Sucre — the  victor  at  Pichincha  and 
Ayacucho — San  Martin,  O'Higgins,  Lamar,  Santander, 
Santacruz,  Artigas,  Tiradentes,  Hidalgo,  Toussaint  Lou- 
verture  and  innumerable  other  heroes;  there  was  then 
only  the  great  American  patria,  with  an  immense  terri- 
tory for  the  action  of  all — immense,  like  the  ampHtude  of 
so  much  land  and  so  much  sky — where  there  was  room  and 

[47] 


where  there  is  still  room,  without  interference,  for  all  the 
great  souls  of  our  history,  however  much  an  ill-advised 
regionahsm  has  endeavored  at  times  to  take  away  or  to  add 
laurels,  when  the  final  balance  and  adjustment  were  made 
long  ago  by  victory,  and  when  what  behooves  us  to-day  is 
to  make  ourselves  more  and  more  worthy  of  it. 

I  have  purposely  omitted  other  references  to  the  warriors 
that  my  country  gave  to  the  great  epopee,  although  they 
were  many  and  very  conspicuous,  inasmuch  as  I  do  not  de- 
sire to  set  any  one  of  them  in  the  first  place;  but  I  shall 
speak,  rather,  of  the  poet  of  the  Guayas,  regarding  whom 
none  wall  dispute  as  to  what  belongs  to  him  by  right.  I  al- 
lude to  Olmedo,  the  singer  of  Junin  and  the  glor>'  of  Boli- 
var. Fame  has  anointed  the  hero  and  the  poet  in  a  single 
whole  of  immortality.     The  portrait  of  Bolivar  which 

begins, 

Who  is  the  one  that  with  slow  step  advances 

Over  the  hills  that  on  Junin  look  downward? 

stands  in  the  pages  of  Hispano-American  literature  as  a 
peerless  example,  according  to  the  severest  Spanish 
critics. 

In  speaking  of  the  prince  of  Hispano-American  poetry, 
in  his  relation  to  the  glory  of  Bolivar,  it  would  be  unjust 
not  to  mention  at  this  moment  another  Ecuadorian,  a 
prince  also  of  Castilian  letters:  don  Juan  Montalvo. 

These  two,  who  soar  so  high,  might  have  sculptured  on 
the  rock  of  the  Andes  the  gratitude  of  Ecuador  to  her 
Liberator. 

I  shall  quote,  for  the  delight  of  all  and  availing  myself 
of  the  present  opportunity,  the  words  of  an  estimate  of 
Montalvo's  in  respect  of  Washington  and  Bolivar: 

Washington  presents  himself  to  memory  and  the  imagination  as 
a  great  citizen,  rather  than  as  a  great  warrior;  as  a  philosopher,  rather 
than  as  a  general.     Washington  would  have  been  at  home  in  the 

[48] 


Roman  senate,  beside  the  aged  Papirius  Cursor;  and  if  he  had  been 
an  ancient  monarch,  he  would  have  been  Augustus,  that  serene  and 
tranquil  man  that  liked  to  be  seated  between  Horace  and  Vergil, 
while  all  the  nations  revolved  reverently  about  his  throne.  Wash- 
ington and  Bolivar  had  in  common  an  identity  of  aims,  inasmuch  as 
the  longing  of  each  was  confined  to  the  liberty  of  the  people  and  the 
establishment  of  democracy.  .  .  .  Washington  was  surrounded 
by  men  as  notable  as,  if  not  worthier  than,  himself:  Jefiferson,  Madi- 
son—men of  lofty  and  deep  counsel— Franklin,  genius  of  sky  and 
earth,  who,  while  wresting  the  scepter  from  tyrants,  snatched  light- 
ning from  the  clouds:  Eripui  cceloftdmen  sceptrumque  tyrannis.  These 
and  all  the  others:  how  great  they  were  and  of  what  great  numbers! 
They  were  one  in  the  cause,  rivals  in  obedience,  each  adding  his  con- 
tingent to  the  immense  torrent  that  swept'  over  the  hostile  armies 
and  fleets,  and  destroyed  the  British  power.  Bolivar  had  to  tame 
his  lieutenants,  to  fight  and  vanquish  his  own  compatriots,  to  struggle 
with  a  thousand  elements  that  conspired  against  him  and  against 
independence,  while  at  the  same  time  battling  with  the  Spanish  hosts 
and  conquering  them  or  being  conquered. 

Montalvo  adds  elsewhere,  in  his  estimate  of  Napoleon 

and  Bolivar: 

The  centuries  may  reduce  to  the  same  level  these  two  sons  of  the 
earth  that  in  a  sort  of  madness  set  themselves  to  pile  mountain  upon 
mountain  in  order  to  scale  Olympus.  One  of  them,  the  more  auda- 
cious, was  wounded  by  the  gods,  and  he  fell  away  into  the  abyss 
of  the  seas;  the  other,  the  more  fortunate,  crowned  his  work,  and, 
having  conquered  them,  allied  himself  with  them  and  established 
the  liberty  of  the  New  World.  In  ten  centuries  Bolivar  will  attain 
the  growth  necessary  to  bring  him  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  the 
specter  which,  rising  from  the  earth,  penetrates  with  its  head  the 
celestial  vault. 

Now,  to  conclude,  permit  me  to  offer  an  explanation. 
I  have  cited  historical  events  and  names  that  are  the  glory 
of  my  country.  It  was  not  from  vanity,  gentlemen,  but  to 
present  them  in  token  of  love  and  fihal  veneration  at  the 
foot  of  the  monument  raised  in  the  land  of  freedom  to  the 
one  that  won  it  for  my  country,  in  which  we  have  sworn 
to  uphold  it  unsulHed,  even  at  the  very  cost  of  life. 

[49] 


PUBLICATIONS  OF  THE  INTERAMERICAN 
DIVISION 

The  publications  of  the  Interamerican  Division  consist 
of  Bulletins;  of  the  Enghsh  and  Spanish  issues  of  the 
magazine  Inter- America;  and  of  the  volumes  of  the 
Interamerican  Library  and  the  Biblioteca  Interamericana. 

The  available  Bulletins  are  distributed  gratuitously  to 
all  the  persons  and  institutions  whose  names  are  on  the 
mailing  list  of  the  Division  and  to  those  that  solicit  them. 
Either  issue  of  Inter- America  (6  numbers  per  annum), 
English  or  Spanish,  may  be  secured  by  paying  the  sub- 
scription price  of  80  cents;  or  the  two  issues  (12  numbers 
per  annum),  by  paying  the  subscription  price  of  $1.50; 
single  numbers  are  sold  at  15  cents.  The  volumes  of  the 
Interamerican  Library  and  of  the  Biblioteca  Interamericana^ 
bound  in  cloth,  are  sold  at  $1.25  a  volume,  postage  paid, 
anywhere  in  the  world. 

Twenty-five  Bulletins  have  been  pubHshed,  but  all  are 
out  of  print,  except  the  following: 

BULLETINS 

Boletin  numero  16:  El  proximo  paso  en  las  relaciones  inter americanas, 
Peter  H.  Goldsmith,  febrero  de  1918. 

Bulletin  number  20:  The  European  War  and  Pan  Americanism, 
Romulo  S.  Na6n,  April,  1919. 

Boletin  numero  21 :  La  guerra  europea  y  el  panamericanismo  (Spanish 
version  of  Bulletin  number  20),  abril  de  1919. 

Bulletin  number  23:  Foice5  across  the  Canal,  addresses  by  John 
Bassett  Moore,  Belisario  Porras  and  Rafael 
H.  Elizalde,  November,  1920. 

[si] 


INTER-AMERICA  .;i  Ci! 

/n  English:  !||ijii|jl 

Volume     I,    October,    1917-August,    1918:    numbers   available.  ijJtilijijiNi! 

I,  3  and  5.  Wilife! 

Volume    II,  October  1918-August,  1919:  numbers  available,  2,  3,  if;'v',;.vf 

4,  5  and  6.  &•;•!•/!•: 


:;*.('. 


Volume  III,  October,  1919-August,  1920:  numbers  available,  2,  3.    ^jli^^iti'".' 
4,  5  and  6.  .j"''.  '.ylvl 

Volume  IV,  October,  1920-August,  1921:  all  6  numbers  available,  iH'';';';.;';.; 


■■>'■.■• 


In  Spanish: 

Volumen     I,  mayo  de  1917  a  marzo  de  1918:  numbers  available,  ;y^>|n;.v,.; 
I,  2  and  6.  'I^?;^^/:';"; 

Volumen    II,  mayo  de  1918  a  marzo  de  1919:  numbers  available,  ;;:::•;'";!!'■ 

1,4,  5  and  6. 
Volumen  III,  mayo  de  1919  a  marzo  de  1920:  numbers  available 

I,  2  and  5. 
Volumen  IV,  mayo  de  1920  a  marzo  de  1921:  all  6  numbers  avail- 
able. 
Volumen    V,  mayo  de  1921  a  marzo  de  1922:  numbers  available,  j 
and  2. 
BIBLIOTECA  INTERAM  ERIC  ANA 

Volimien      I:  Vida  constitucional  delos  Estados  Unidos.    Benjamin 

Harrison,  191 9,  284  pages,  duodecim.o. 
Volumen    II:  Cuentos  ddsicos  del  norte:  primera  serie,  Edgar  Allan 

Poe,  1920,  246  pages,  duodecimo, 
Volumen  III:  Cuentos  cldsicos  del  narte:  segiinda  serie,  Washington 

Irving,  Nathdniel  Hawthorne,  Edward  Everett 

Hale,  1920,  307  pages,  duodecimo. 
Volumen  IV:  El   significado  de   la   educacion,   Nicholas   Murray 

Butler,  on  the  press. 
Volumen    V:  El  comercio  y  las  indusirias,  J.  Russell  Smith,  in 

preparation. 
Volumen  VI:  La  hisloria  de  la  polUica  de  los  Estados  Unidos,  A\e- 

xander  Johnston,  in  preparation. 

INTERAMERICAN  LIBRARY 

Several  volumes  are  being  prepared  for  this  series.     Announce- 
ments regarding  them  will  be  made  later. 

[52] 


Caylord  Bros. 

Makers 

Syracuse,  N   Y. 

PAT.  JAN.  21.  1908 


